In this write-up, we’ll see the deepening defence relationship between Turkey and Pakistan, the emergence of a broader Turkey-Pakistan-Azerbaijan axis, and what it means to India.
Before we get into the present-day partnership, it’s important to understand that the Turkey-Pakistan relationship is not new. It has existed since the Cold War era. During the Cold War, both countries were on the side of the West led by the US. Both were members of the Baghdad security pact, mutual defence pact, such as the recent Mecca Pact.
The point is: Turkey and Pakistan have been on the same side of security arrangements for over seven decades. What we’re seeing today is not a new friendship. It’s an old one taking on a new shape in the face of current challenges.
The Growing Defence Relationship
The Turkey-Pakistan defence relationship has been on the rise and has been one of the strongest pillars in their strategic partnership. Apart from the export and import of arms, they also have institutionalised their relationship with mechanisms such as the High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council (HLSCC), High-Level Military Dialogue Group (HLMDG). To put institutional mechanism in simple words – they regularly hold talks and keep in touch with each other using these channels. Pakistan has placed all three military attachés (army, naval, and air) at its embassy in Ankara. It tells you how seriously Pakistan takes this relationship.
The Defence Deals
Naval Cooperation:
- MILGEM Corvettes: The MILGEM (Milli Gemi, meaning “National Ship”) is a Turkish initiative to design and build modern naval warships. Pakistan signed a contract with Turkey’s state-owned defence contractor ASFAT for four MILGEM-class corvettes. The first ship, PNS Babur, was formally delivered on September 23, 2023, at a ceremony in Istanbul. The second, PNS Khaibar, was handed over on December 20, 2025, in a ceremony led by President Erdoğan himself. Two more ships, PNS Badr and PNS Tariq, are being constructed with Pakistani involvement at Karachi Shipyard.
- Fleet Tanker: An $80 million agreement was signed for a Turkish company to build a 17,000-tonne fleet tanker for the Pakistan Navy.
Aerospace and Aviation:
- T-129 ATAK Helicopters: Pakistan tried purchasing 30 Turkish T-129 ATAK attack helicopters in a deal worth $1.5 billion, but it ultimately fell apart after US blocked the deal. The T-129 chopper uses Rolls-Royce-Honeywell LHTEC T800-4A turboshaft engines and the components of the engine fell under strict U.S. ITAR (International Traffic in Arms Regulations) controls.
- F-16 Modernization: In 2016, Turkish Aerospace Industries signed a $75 million deal to modernize Pakistan’s Air Force fleet of F-16 fighter aircraft. There has been talks of cooperating in long-term sustainment of the Pakistani fleet and Turkish weapons integration for Pakistani F16s.
- KAAN 5th Gen Fighter Programme: Pakistan has shown its interest in the Turkish KAAN 5th gen aircraft alongside the Chinese J35, which, according to reports, Pakistan is set to acquire(probably by taking a loan because that’s how they got their J10).
- UAV Cooperation: Since 2015, the two countries have been collaborating on the production of unmanned aerial vehicles, with the Pakistan Aeronautical Complex supplying parts to Turkish Aerospace Industries.
Drones:
This is where the relationship has taken on a particularly worrying turn for India. Turkey has emerged as Pakistan’s primary drone supplier.
- $900 Million Drone Deal: Turkey and Pakistan signed a $900 million drone deal that was revised after the losses Pakistan faced during Operation Sindoor. Under the revised agreement, Pakistan will acquire advanced Turkish drones, including the Bayraktar TB2 and Akinci UAVs, alongside more than 700 Turkish-manufactured loitering munitions.
- Bayraktar TB2: The same drone that gained fame in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War and in the Ukraine conflict has been integrated into Pakistan’s arsenal. During Operation Sindoor in May 2025, Pakistan reportedly deployed Bayraktar TB2 and YIHA drones against Indian targets.
- SONGAR Drones: Pakistan’s drone offensive against India, launched overnight between May 8 and 9, 2025, featured nearly 400 Turkish-made SONGAR drones. These are armed drones, not just reconnaissance platforms.
- Akinci UAVs: Pakistan is acquiring the more advanced Bayraktar Akinci UAVs as well.
- Drone Assembly Plant: Turkey announced plans to open a combat aerial drone assembly plant in Pakistan, further deepening defence-industrial integration.
Active Support During Operation Sindoor:
This is perhaps the most concerning part. During the May 2025 India-Pakistan conflict, Turkey did not just supply equipment. Turkey began supplying Pakistan with arms and munitions even before India’s May 7 strikes, with six C-130 cargo planes arriving at a military base in Islamabad on April 28. Turkey reportedly supplied 350+ drones and sent military operatives to Pakistan to help guide drone operations targeting Indian soldiers and positions, but the Indian External Affairs Minister (EAM) has not officially confirmed the physical presence or casualty of Turkish drone operators.
The total cost of defence orders placed by Pakistan with Turkey now exceeds $3 billion, and Turkey has become Pakistan’s fourth-largest source of arms. As recently few days ago multiple Turkish Air Force C-130 Hercules and A400M aircraft were said to have dropped, (although no official info about the nature of cargo) advanced military hardware(That’s what many analyst says).
Growing Convergence on Kashmir, Cyprus, and Armenia
Not only the Turkey-Pakistan security relationship is particularly concerning for India, but also the diplomatic partnership where ensure mutual support for contentious issues.
Kashmir:
Turkey has abandoned its earlier policy of non-interference on Kashmir and has become one of Pakistan’s most vocal international supporter.
In February 2020, President Erdoğan said the Kashmir issue was as important to Turkey as it is to Pakistan, declaring: “And now, we feel the same about Kashmir today. It was Çanakkale yesterday and Kashmir today; there is no difference between the two.” Çanakkale refers to the Turkish War of Independence.
Turkey raised the Kashmir issue at the UN General Assembly in September 2019, shortly after India abrogated Article 370. Erdoğan continued to raise Kashmir at the UNGA in 2020, 2023, and again in September 2025, urging dialogue between India and Pakistan under UN resolutions. There was a brief, notable departure in 2024 when Erdoğan skipped Kashmir in his UNGA address, but he returned to it in 2025. India has consistently rejected these interventions, calling them “unwarranted” and reaffirming that Kashmir is a strictly bilateral issue requiring no third-party mediation.
Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean:
Pakistan has reciprocated by backing Turkey on its disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. It supports Turkey in its disputes over gas exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean. A series of joint naval exercises between the two countries’ navies have taken place in the Mediterranean, including in areas that violated Cypriot(Cyprus) and Greek territorial waters and airspace. Similar joint exercises have been held in the Indian Ocean.
Armenia and the Aegean:
The nexus was formalised in a joint declaration by the foreign ministers of Turkey, Pakistan, and Azerbaijan, signed in Islamabad on January 13, 2021. This declaration explicitly stated joint stances on Kashmir, the Aegean dispute, Cyprus, and the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict. It essentially created a package deal: Azerbaijan backs Pakistan on Kashmir, Pakistan backs Azerbaijan on Karabakh, both support Turkey’s position on Northern Cyprus (the Turkish-occupied part of Cyprus), and all three align on the Aegean dispute (Dispute with Greece). For India, it means Turkey is actively internationalising the Kashmir issue and building a coalition of countries willing to challenge India’s position on it.
The Mecca Agreement
On August 7, 2026, Turkey-Pakistan relationship went to an entirely new level. Leaders from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and Turkey signed the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement in Mecca.
The core provision says that "any armed attack against any one of the three states shall be regarded as an attack against them all."Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan reportedly described this commitment as “technically the same” as NATO’s Article 5, but adding that the allies would determine through consultation the degree and form of assistance provided.
What it builds on:
The Mecca Agreement builds on the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement signed between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in September 2025, as well as a quadrilateral consultative mechanism that includes the three signatories plus Egypt (known as the R-4 Group). Pakistan also signed a similar protocol agreement with Kuwait in June 2026.
Why it matters for India:
While the Mecca Agreement is framed as a response to threats from Iran and Israel, and is not explicitly directed at India, its implications for India are significant.
Firstly, now Turkey’s commitment to Pakistan’s security is no longer just bilateral. Second, the agreement brings together three middle powers: Pakistan (a nuclear power), Saudi Arabia (an energy giant), and Turkey (NATO’s second-largest military and a decent defence-industry). Even symbolic and material weight of this combination is substantial. Third, it increases Turkey’s defence-industrial integration with Pakistan, joint development and production of defence systems.
But there are questions about how effective this pact will be, owing to the track record of past regional defence pacts that have failed to deliver. Pakistan did not come to Saudi Arabia’s aid during the first phase of the 2026 US/Israel-Iran war. Also, these countries have different strategic priorities as well as complex historical baggage. Turkey views Israel as a greater threat, while Saudi Arabia sees Iran as the bigger danger. Again, its effectiveness and relevance can be discussed another day.
Our EAM said, “There are live military situations that each of the signatories faces. What has the Mecca Pact done in response to that?”.
Why Turkey is Advancing Its Nexus with Pakistan at the Cost of India
But most of you must be thinking why would Turkey, a NATO member, choose to tilt toward Pakistan, a country surviving on debt packages, at the cost of its relationship with India, a rising major power and one of the world’s largest economies with whom it can trade and grow?
The answer lies in President Erdoğan’s so called grand vision, which according experts is: neo-Ottomanism and pan-Turkism.
Neo-Ottomanism: Reviving Imperial Glory
Erdoğan’s worldview(that is how he sees the world and Turkey in it, as in Turkey’s status and role) is influenced by a belief that Turkey should reclaim its historical role as a leading power in the Islamic world. The Ottoman Empire was the seat of the Caliphate, the leader of the global Muslim community for centuries. Erdoğan sees its collapse after World War I as a historic loss, and he is determined to restore Turkey to what he views as its rightful place.
Erdoğan combines neo-Ottomanism(revival of Ottoman glory) with pan-Turanism, the belief in unity for Turkic peoples stretching from Anatolia(Tukish mainland) through the Caucasus(Azerbaijan) and into Central Asia(Central Asian states are ethnic turks eg: Uzbeks).
Pakistan fits into this vision perfectly. By aligning with Pakistan, Turkey gains a presence in South Asia and positions itself as the champion of Muslim causes globally, from Kashmir to Palestine.
The Emergence Turkey-Azerbaijan-Pakistan Triangle
To understand the full picture, we need to zoom out and look at the broader Turkey-Pakistan-Azerbaijan (TPA) axis.
“One Nation, Two States”
The Turkey-Azerbaijan relationship is extraordinary in its depth. The phrase “one nation, two states” is commonly used by both Turks and Azerbaijanis to describe their bond. They are both Turkic nations having same cultural and ethnic ties. Erdoğan has visited Azerbaijan more than 20 times during his presidency(This tells a lot). Turkey and Pakistan were the first two countries to recognise Azerbaijan’s independence in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War
The TPA axis began strengthening during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, when Turkey and Pakistan both supported Azerbaijan against Armenia. Turkey supplied the Bayraktar TB2 drones that proved devastating against Armenian forces, and Pakistani gave its diplomatic support. Azerbaijan’s victory turned the balance of power in the South Caucasus in its favor.
Institutionalizing the Trilateral
Since 2017, Turkey, Pakistan, and Azerbaijan have systematically institutionalized their cooperation:
- 2017: Baku foreign ministers’ meeting established the trilateral format.
- January 2021: Foreign ministers of all three countries met in Islamabad and signed the Islamabad Declaration, which explicitly referenced joint stances on Kashmir, the Aegean dispute, Cyprus, and the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict.
- September 2021: The “Three Brothers-2021” joint military exercise was held in Baku, involving special forces from all three countries. This was the first such trilateral drill. Similar exercises have continued since.
For India, the TPA axis creates a multi-front challenge. India faces Pakistan directly on its western border. Turkey is projecting power into the Eastern Mediterranean and the South Caucasus, regions where India’s partners (Greece, Cyprus, Armenia) are directly threatened.
How India Is Evaluating These Developments
It’s clear that the Turkey-Pakistan relationship has direct strategic challenge to India. We have taken steps, both bilaterally and multilaterally, to counter the challenge posed.
With Armenia
Bilaterally, we have been enhancing the defence partnership with our partners in the region, more successfully with Armenia. From being a low-key, normal relationship, India-Armenia defence ties have become an important component of India’s Eurasian policy. India became one of the largest arms suppliers starting around 2020, after Armenia’s defeat in Nagorno-Karabakh and Russia’s declining reliability as a security partner.
Armenia has purchased Indian Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers, 155mm artillery guns (including ATAGS), Akash surface-to-air missile systems, and Swathi weapon-locating radars. By 2024-25, Armenia had become India’s largest customer for finished weapons systems, with contract value crossing approximately $600 million.
We have posted our first defence attaché in Armenia, and Armenia reciprocated with a defence attaché in New Delhi. The India-Iran-Armenia trilateral dialogue was held in New Delhi in December 2024, focusing on transport corridors and cultural cooperation, further strengthening relations with Armenia.
With Greece
India’s rapprochement with Greece evolved from a civilisational relationship into a modern strategic partnership focusing on countering shared threats. Prime Minister Modi visited Athens in August 2023, the first visit by an Indian premier to Greece in four decades. Greek PM Mitsotakis returned the gesture with a state visit to India, and the two sides elevated ties to a formal “strategic partnership” with explicit commitments on defence co-production, maritime security, and connectivity.
In January 2026, the two defence ministers signed a joint declaration on defence industrial cooperation. Greece committed to posting a liaison officer at India’s Information Fusion Centre-Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) in Gurugram, expanding cooperation in the maritime sphere. There are reports of Greece and Cyprus showing interest in acquiring India’s BrahMos supersonic cruise missile. If these deals go through, then it will change the whole security equation in the Mediterranean and Aegean Sea; perhaps Turkey can ask one of their brother nation what BrahMos can do.
With Cyprus:
India and Cyprus have elevated their relationship to a strategic partnership with a defence dimension. PM Modi visited Cyprus in June 2025, a significant diplomatic move. A five-year defence cooperation roadmap (2025-2029/2031) was announced, covering maritime security, counterterrorism, technology, and military cooperation. A Joint Action Plan 2025-2029 was established to advance cooperation in defence, connectivity, trade, and investment.
India’s support for the Republic of Cyprus (the internationally recognised Greek Cypriot government) directly contrasts with Turkey’s support for the breakaway Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Turkish-occupied Cyprus). India has reaffirmed its support for Cyprus under the UN framework.
On a Multilatreal level
The France-Greece-Armenia-India Quadrilateral: In March 2024, Greek Defence Minister Nikos Dendias publicly acknowledged the potential(not yet formed but an Idea) of a quadrilateral cooperation format in the defence sector involving Armenia, Greece, France, and India. He described France and India as “very big powers that are common friends of Armenia and Greece.” India’s ambassador to Armenia reacted positively.
Greece is also pushing for a “Mediterranean Quad” including India, Israel, Cyprus, and Greece. The December 2025 trilateral military cooperation among Greece, Cyprus, and Israel, focusing on joint air and naval exercises, unmanned systems training, and electronic warfare.
Naval Power Projection in Mediterranean
While Turkey is trying gain presence in South Asia by extending its defence cooperation with Bangladesh, Maldives, alongside Pakistan, India has also been projecting naval power in Turkey’s backyard.
- In September 2025, the Indian Navy frigate INS Trikand docked at Limassol, Cyprus, and conducted a PASSEX (Passage Exercise) with the Cypriot Navy.
- INS Trikand also participated in Exercise Bright Star 2025, a multilateral drill hosted by Egypt, making a port call in Alexandria.
- India has been increasing its naval presence in the Eastern Mediterranean, with port visits and exercises a message to Turkey.
To conclude, as one expert pointed out, India’s approach is “deterrence by association”, that is, we don’t have to challenge Turkey directly but send a message to Turkey that its attempt to increase its influence in South Asia will make India commit even deeper engagement in the Eastern Mediterranean.
